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Maurice Blackburn brought into public life a rare character, complete indifference to personal consequences, an uncommon scholarship, great zeal for humanity, and a firm belief, which I am happy to share, that men are immeasurably more important than laws. - Robert Menzies Maurice Blackburn served the people who suffered injustice ... He pleaded their cause, and he engaged in the study of how best he could serve them ... He would allow nothing to turn him from what he considered to be the right, and however unpopular he might become, however discomforting his attitude might be to his colleagues, the divine monitor within him impelled him to stand for what in his soul he believed. - John Curtin After his father died when Maurice Blackburn was a child, he was brought up by a mother who was descended from Melbourne's gentry and was determined to raise him as a gentleman who would achieve greatness as a judge or a prime minister. However, Blackburn had humbler aims. With the support of his wife, he wanted instead 'to make life better for the ordinary men and women of the country'. He went on to do so, defending the rights of working people as a leading barrister in the courts and as a politician in the parliaments of Melbourne and Canberra, and became much loved and admired across the political spectrum. A socialist and internationalist all his life, who was twice expelled from the Labor Party for his principles, Blackburn became a leading opponent of conscription in both world wars, a supporter of rights for women, an advocate for peace, and a tireless campaigner for transforming Australia so that it served the interests of all its people. Part love story, part gripping political thriller, the poignant story of the much-lauded Maurice Blackburn exposes a time when influence-peddling was rife, when political possibilities seemed limitless, and when a man of principle could still make a big difference to the course of Australian politics.… (plus d'informations)
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David Day is the historian who has so memorably written biographies of Australia's war-time prime ministers Ben Chifley and John Curtin, and more recently of Paul Keating. His latest book is the remarkable story of Maurice Blackburn, a name well-known as Australia's leading compensation and social justice firm of lawyers, but perhaps not so well-known as the founder of the firm.
These days when the political class is full of lawyers and economists, it is salutary to read that Maurice Blackburn was the first-ever barrister to be elected to parliament as a Labor MP. He arrived there at a time when the Labor movement was defined by its working-class and trade union constituency. But though his origins were in the gentry (and he looks the part in the cover image, eh?) Blackburn had no easy entry to his profession, and struggled financially throughout his life.
Born in Inglewood in 1880 to a father who was a bank manager and an ambitious mother from the squattocracy, Blackburn might have had a comfortable middle-class life, but his father died of typhoid when Maurice was just a boy, leaving his mother Thomasann a widow with four children under seven at a time when social welfare was minimal. She had something in the way of investments which enabled her to resume life in Melbourne, and to send Maurice to the Toorak Prep school and then to Melbourne Grammar, but from the age of 16, he was expected to support his mother and siblings and so he went to work as a law clerk in 1896.
His journey towards the law degree took some years. He had to do an arts degree first, which he almost completed but he failed maths and couldn't graduate. Day suggests that his unimpressive academic record had a number of causes, not the least of which was that he was working to pay not only his university fees, but also the cost of keeping his brother James in the Kew Asylum after his mental illness escalated beyond his mother's capacity to manage it. But from 1901 Maurice left the law firm and worked as a tutor, which enabled him to become more involved in university life and develop his ideals of civil liberty and democratic participation in decision-making. With a stint teaching at Wadhurst (Melbourne Grammar's Prep School) and then at the Gippsland College in Sale, Maurice might well have had a career in teaching, but he recognised that even when he was finally able to complete the arts degree, he was never going to be able to compete with the preference for Oxford or Cambridge headmasters. The death of his brother was the catalyst for him to return to Melbourne and enrol in law school. He graduated in 1909, and after a year as an articled clerk, he was finally admitted to practise in 1910, aged 30.
This biography is a straightforward chronological account of Blackburn's life, and Day is scrupulous about acknowledging where the gaps are. So Maurice's love life remains opaque until his political activities bring him into contact with Doris Hordern. What is fascinating about this bio is the historical context that Day provides: the social milieu in a Melbourne very different to today. These were the early years of Federation, and of the emerging Labor movement, and because Australians felt confident about progressive reforms that made life better for ordinary people, Melbourne had a lively cultural and politically aware milieu. The Victorian Socialist Party held multiple activities to engage and educate people: lectures and debates with excursions and family picnics to lure attendance. Maurice had made a name for himself through his advocacy in the Gas Consumers League, making gas prices an election issue in 1911 when the threat of nationalisation was enough to make them reduce prices.
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Dedicated to the memory of John Moore, 1949 - 2019
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Maurice Blackburn brought into public life a rare character, complete indifference to personal consequences, an uncommon scholarship, great zeal for humanity, and a firm belief, which I am happy to share, that men are immeasurably more important than laws. - Robert Menzies Maurice Blackburn served the people who suffered injustice ... He pleaded their cause, and he engaged in the study of how best he could serve them ... He would allow nothing to turn him from what he considered to be the right, and however unpopular he might become, however discomforting his attitude might be to his colleagues, the divine monitor within him impelled him to stand for what in his soul he believed. - John Curtin After his father died when Maurice Blackburn was a child, he was brought up by a mother who was descended from Melbourne's gentry and was determined to raise him as a gentleman who would achieve greatness as a judge or a prime minister. However, Blackburn had humbler aims. With the support of his wife, he wanted instead 'to make life better for the ordinary men and women of the country'. He went on to do so, defending the rights of working people as a leading barrister in the courts and as a politician in the parliaments of Melbourne and Canberra, and became much loved and admired across the political spectrum. A socialist and internationalist all his life, who was twice expelled from the Labor Party for his principles, Blackburn became a leading opponent of conscription in both world wars, a supporter of rights for women, an advocate for peace, and a tireless campaigner for transforming Australia so that it served the interests of all its people. Part love story, part gripping political thriller, the poignant story of the much-lauded Maurice Blackburn exposes a time when influence-peddling was rife, when political possibilities seemed limitless, and when a man of principle could still make a big difference to the course of Australian politics.
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These days when the political class is full of lawyers and economists, it is salutary to read that Maurice Blackburn was the first-ever barrister to be elected to parliament as a Labor MP. He arrived there at a time when the Labor movement was defined by its working-class and trade union constituency. But though his origins were in the gentry (and he looks the part in the cover image, eh?) Blackburn had no easy entry to his profession, and struggled financially throughout his life.
Born in Inglewood in 1880 to a father who was a bank manager and an ambitious mother from the squattocracy, Blackburn might have had a comfortable middle-class life, but his father died of typhoid when Maurice was just a boy, leaving his mother Thomasann a widow with four children under seven at a time when social welfare was minimal. She had something in the way of investments which enabled her to resume life in Melbourne, and to send Maurice to the Toorak Prep school and then to Melbourne Grammar, but from the age of 16, he was expected to support his mother and siblings and so he went to work as a law clerk in 1896.
His journey towards the law degree took some years. He had to do an arts degree first, which he almost completed but he failed maths and couldn't graduate. Day suggests that his unimpressive academic record had a number of causes, not the least of which was that he was working to pay not only his university fees, but also the cost of keeping his brother James in the Kew Asylum after his mental illness escalated beyond his mother's capacity to manage it. But from 1901 Maurice left the law firm and worked as a tutor, which enabled him to become more involved in university life and develop his ideals of civil liberty and democratic participation in decision-making. With a stint teaching at Wadhurst (Melbourne Grammar's Prep School) and then at the Gippsland College in Sale, Maurice might well have had a career in teaching, but he recognised that even when he was finally able to complete the arts degree, he was never going to be able to compete with the preference for Oxford or Cambridge headmasters. The death of his brother was the catalyst for him to return to Melbourne and enrol in law school. He graduated in 1909, and after a year as an articled clerk, he was finally admitted to practise in 1910, aged 30.
This biography is a straightforward chronological account of Blackburn's life, and Day is scrupulous about acknowledging where the gaps are. So Maurice's love life remains opaque until his political activities bring him into contact with Doris Hordern. What is fascinating about this bio is the historical context that Day provides: the social milieu in a Melbourne very different to today. These were the early years of Federation, and of the emerging Labor movement, and because Australians felt confident about progressive reforms that made life better for ordinary people, Melbourne had a lively cultural and politically aware milieu. The Victorian Socialist Party held multiple activities to engage and educate people: lectures and debates with excursions and family picnics to lure attendance. Maurice had made a name for himself through his advocacy in the Gas Consumers League, making gas prices an election issue in 1911 when the threat of nationalisation was enough to make them reduce prices.
To read the rest of my review please visit https://anzlitlovers.com/2019/12/29/maurice-blackburn-champion-of-the-people-by-... (