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The Culture of Sectarianism: Community, History, and Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon

par Ussama Makdisi

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Focusing on Ottoman Lebanon, Ussama Makdisi shows how sectarianism was a manifestation of modernity that transcended the physical boundaries of a particular country. His study challenges those who have viewed sectarian violence as an Islamic response to westernization or simply as a product of social and economic inequities among religious groups. The religious violence of the nineteenth century, which culminated in sectarian mobilizations and massacres in 1860, was a complex, multilayered, subaltern expression of modernization, he says, not a primordial reaction to it. Makdisi argues that sectarianism represented a deliberate mobilization of religious identities for political and social purposes. The Ottoman reform movement launched in 1839 and the growing European presence in the Middle East contributed to the disintegration of the traditional Lebanese social order based on a hierarchy that bridged religious differences. Makdisi highlights how European colonialism and Orientalism, with their emphasis on Christian salvation and Islamic despotism, and Ottoman and local nationalisms each created and used narratives of sectarianism as foils to their own visions of modernity and to their own projects of colonial, imperial, and national development. Makdisi's book is important to our understanding of Lebanese society today, but it also makes a significant contribution to the discussion of the importance of religious discourse in the formation and dissolution of social and national identities in the modern world.… (plus d'informations)
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In a nutshell? Maronites and Druze (and Sunni and Shi'a and Christians and Jews) didn't engage in sectarian violence until they were pushed there. For instance, most communities in Mt. Lebanon were thoroughly mixed as far as religion goes, and if anything they were sorted by class and by which elites ruled them. Hell, Druze celebrated Maronite holidays and vice versa. But then you have French Christians who come in and are disgusted by how 'muslim' the Maronites are. They offer education and medicine, but only to Maronites. The British, in the great European proxy wars, support and arm the Druze. Elite Ottomans, Maronites, and Druzes all use this "clash of civilizations" narrative to get the stuff they want. Then all the responsible parties step back in shock when Maronite and Druzes start killing each other. How do the Euros and elites explain that without looking in the mirror? "These sectarian peoples, all they want to do it kill each other. that's how it's always been." That's where we get the myth that ethnoreligious groups in the Middle East have been killing each other "for a thousand years." Nope, bullshit. In Mt. Lebanon, it started between 1941-1960 when outsiders with their guns, medicine, education, and superior attitudes decided the Druze and Maronites shouldn't live with each other.
  mitchtroutman | Jun 14, 2020 |
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Focusing on Ottoman Lebanon, Ussama Makdisi shows how sectarianism was a manifestation of modernity that transcended the physical boundaries of a particular country. His study challenges those who have viewed sectarian violence as an Islamic response to westernization or simply as a product of social and economic inequities among religious groups. The religious violence of the nineteenth century, which culminated in sectarian mobilizations and massacres in 1860, was a complex, multilayered, subaltern expression of modernization, he says, not a primordial reaction to it. Makdisi argues that sectarianism represented a deliberate mobilization of religious identities for political and social purposes. The Ottoman reform movement launched in 1839 and the growing European presence in the Middle East contributed to the disintegration of the traditional Lebanese social order based on a hierarchy that bridged religious differences. Makdisi highlights how European colonialism and Orientalism, with their emphasis on Christian salvation and Islamic despotism, and Ottoman and local nationalisms each created and used narratives of sectarianism as foils to their own visions of modernity and to their own projects of colonial, imperial, and national development. Makdisi's book is important to our understanding of Lebanese society today, but it also makes a significant contribution to the discussion of the importance of religious discourse in the formation and dissolution of social and national identities in the modern world.

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