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Introductory chapters
In this book two lines of argumentation are developed in relation to what agro-informaticians often describe as 'the limited adoption of Management Supporting Systems in primary agricultural production'. Although -conceptually speaking- the distinction is somewhat problematic, I will speak of a 'theoretical' and a 'practical' line. Figure 1.1 in chapter I shows how these lines of argumentation are interwoven throughout the book.

Chapter I is a general introduction to the nature and scope of this book, and provides also some guidance to readers from different audiences. Moreover, and anticipating my later theoretical argument, it makes clear that I distance myself from both realist positions at the ontological level, and from positivism at the epistemological level. Instead, I adopt a constructivist stance, which posits that our understanding of the world is inherently socially constructed. Naturally, this holds for my own understanding of the world as well. Hence, preceding more detailed accounts in relation to specific case-studies, chapter 1 also touches on some broader social dimensions of this research that clarify in the context of which 'negotiation processes' this study was shaped, and which interests, projects, feelings, etc. of the researcher were of importance.

In chapter 2, 1 attempt to 'set the scene' by problematizing currently proposed solutions to the limited adoption of Management Supporting Systems (from now on MSS) by farmers and horticulturists. Drawing upon recent theoretical and empirical insights, I conclude that current problem definitions and solutions rest on inadequate unilinear models of, on the one hand, farm development and, on the other, knowledge generation, exchange and utilization.

In my practical line of argumentation, my elaborations lead me to identify five practical contributions that extension science and rural development sociology may provide to practitioners in the field of agro-informatics. Hence, I commit myself to providing such contributions in relation to: (1) the generation of relevant classifications of farmers and horticulturists; (2) the development of criteria for the design of MSS that facilitate integration of scientific and other types of knowledge; (3) the assessment of potential contributions of extension workers to the use and development of MSS; (4) the provision of inductive methodologies for identifying relevant information needs; and (5) an appraisal of the types of user-research and user-influence that can be suitably incorporated into methods for MSS-development.

In relation to the theoretical line of argumentation, I conclude that a theoretical framework for understanding the use and development of MSS will have to meet two important criteria. First, it needs to allow us to understand interactions in which MSS play a role in the (historical) context of a complex social setting in which a variety social actors are actively engaged. Second, it should help us to conceptualize the social dimensions of knowledge, information, communication and rationality, Furthermore, I propose that management supporting systems or information technologies are best conceptualized as computer-based communication technologies (CT).

Part I: Theoretical explorations
Chapters 3, 4, 5 and 6 constitute Part I of the book. In search of a theoretical framework that meets the above formulated criteria, various disciplines and fields of study are explored in chapters 3, 4 and 5.

In chapter 3, it is argued that the dominant conceptualizations; in computer science fail to meet the two criteria. The same holds for the field of information systems research. Despite important differences, neither the first, second or third wave approaches of management and organization theory, nor hard, soft, critical or autopoietic systems thinkers, provide fully satisfactory conceptualizations. In one way or another, most approaches appear to include elements of determinism, and fail to conceptualize actors as active and historicallysituated agents. Similarly, even if many approaches transcend overtly simplistic 'mechanical' conceptualizations of information, they tend to emphasize the subjective rather than the social dimensions of knowledge and information. That is, due to a focus on the individual, many approaches fail to capture the political, normative and ideological dimensions of knowledge and information. Nevertheless, critical and autopoietic systems thinkers especially, provide some inspiring theoretical concepts and ideas that must somehow be incorporated into a conceptualization of CT-use and development (these include ideas concerning validity claims and the social nature of rationality, the historical and recursive nature of structure, and the concepts of thrownness, blindness and discontinuity).

In chapter 4, 1 discuss several frequently used approaches in communication science and extension science. In essence, my elaborations lead me to draw similar conclusions with respect to the two criteria formulated as those arrived at in chapter 3. Even if extension scientists are increasingly aware that extension processes need to be studied in a 'multi- actor' context, this assessment has apparently not yet resulted in the development of conceptualizations that are in line with it. That is, the social dimensions of knowledge, information, communication and rationality are insufficiently explicated, and extension scientists often remain to have a rather passive conceptualization of human action. In relation to this, I argue that although extension scientists provide an interesting framework for describing different types of anticipation problems that occur in relation to CT-use and development, the 'diagnostic value' of such descriptions is limited as long as an understanding of why and how such problems emerge is lacking. Thus, I propose that there is a need to enrich both communication science and extension science with sociological conceptualizations of human action, communication, knowledge, information and rationality. Hence, I reject claims made by authors who -on the basis of a sharp distinction between 'knowledge for action' and 'knowledge for understanding'- argue that studies aimed at generating 'knowledge for understanding' are almost inherently of little use to practitioners.

Although it appears in chapter 5 that an actor-oriented sociology of rural development provides promising conceptualizations of the social actor, human action, knowledge and ignorance, I argue that there are weaknesses as well. The approach generates a number of important analytical concepts, but it is often unclear how they are to be theoretically connected. Moreover, the conceptualization of social structure leans towards 'actor voluntarism'. Another issue is that actor-oriented sociologists have so far insufficiently reflected on their own role in the production of social change, so that in its present form the approach has little to offer practitioners.

In a search for more comprehensive frameworks, I follow suggestions made by some authors in previous chapters, and continue chapter 5 with an evaluation of the prospects of Habermas' theory of communicative action, and Giddens' theory of structuration. Even if Habermas' framework is becoming increasingly popular among extension scientists, I conclude that it fails to meet the two criteria formulated, and thus that it is unsuitable for both improving our understanding of the use and development of CT in agriculture, and more generally- for helping extension scientists to deal with 'multi-actor' intervention contexts. In contrast, a constructivist interpretation of Giddens' theory seems to meet the criteria much better. Giddens proposes that all social interaction has a communicative dimension and that the production of meaning (and therefore the production of knowledge and information) is inherently connected with the operation of power and normative sanctions. Furthermore, Giddens' theory demonstrates how actors are actively involved in (re)producing social structure. Also, it allows me to identify mutual knowledge (as inherently connected with mutual ignorance) as the key modality of structure, and therefore as underlying the existence of structural properties and the operation of power in society. In all, I conclude that Giddens' theory offers a much more promising and/or systematic insight into the interrelations between action, structure, knowledge, communication and rationality than the other sociological approaches discussed.

In chapter 6, I attempt to clear the ground for more empirical forms of investigation. Building on the insights arrived at in the theoretical explorations, I formulate a set of interrelated preliminary theoretical propositions with respect to how the use and development of CT should be understood. Most importantly, it is proposed that CT-mediated communications must be looked at as politically and normatively laden negotiation processes, which are inherently connected with the (re)production of structural properties in society. The social 'codes' incorporated into such technologies are both constraining and enabling and can be renegotiated and creatively dealt with so that largely unintended consequences can easily emerge. Moreover, such technologies are best understood as playing ..... (abstract too long)