Thomas M. Nichols
Auteur de The Death of Expertise: The Campaign against Established Knowledge and Why it Matters
A propos de l'auteur
Thomas M. Nichols is Professor of Strategy and Forrest Sherman Chair of Public Diplomacy at the United States Naval War College.
Crédit image: U.S. Naval War College
Œuvres de Thomas M. Nichols
The Death of Expertise: The Campaign against Established Knowledge and Why it Matters (2017) 819 exemplaires
The Sacred Cause: Civil-Military Conflict over Soviet National Security, 1917–1992 (1993) 4 exemplaires
Étiqueté
Partage des connaissances
- Date de naissance
- 1960-12-07
- Sexe
- male
- Nationalité
- USA
- Études
- Georgetown University (Ph.D|1988)
Columbia University (M.A.|1984)
Boston University (B.A.|1983) - Professions
- Professor
- Organisations
- United States Naval War College
- Prix et distinctions
- Citta della Rose Book Prize (2018)
United States Navy Civilian Meritorious Service Medal (2005)
Membres
Critiques
Listes
Prix et récompenses
Vous aimerez peut-être aussi
Statistiques
- Œuvres
- 10
- Membres
- 979
- Popularité
- #26,316
- Évaluation
- 3.8
- Critiques
- 26
- ISBN
- 36
- Langues
- 4
After the Cold War every state found itself endangered by previously unknown threats (terrorists with access to very dangerous weapons that can cause indiscriminate destruction on the major scale) and for the West (mainly NATO countries) super hero complex of we need to save the world after we destroyed the USSR , that started with certain in-decisiveness and then (as time went by) bloomed into equivalent of Justice League organization with goal of promoting West's political views.
First chapters of the book are investigation into the topic, pitfalls and dangers of the use of preventive war as a means of international relations. Author shows how it is not just US but almost every major power in the world (from East to the West) that have created national security document (lets call it national strategy) that has placed significant accent on preventive military actions against anybody endangering their interests in the world.
And then direction of the book deteriorates into defense of the author's home country and its approach to the world politics. Basically author falls into the trap of the, lets call it that way, "liberal democracy". Trap is thinking that if every country is liberal democracy then world would be such a beautiful place to live in, only problem being that it needs to be "our" type and approach to liberal democracy that we can amen and accept (not that this will guarantee anything in the long run because "we" keep the right to pick you up and make a place for you to live in and role to play).
Main problem is that liberal democracies are liberal democracies for their own people, as it should be. This means say UK is democracy for its own people but it has nothing, absolutely nothing with my country or me, neither leanings to help my country nor myself with any internal issues we have - for those relations there is diplomacy, mutual interests etc and I do not doubt for a second we would be living in bomb shelters or in absolute poverty if any Western power sees us a danger to their interests. And this is again the way things are, lets be realistic.
Whether we like it or not international relations are not led by good intentions, never have been and never will be. Every state has its own goals - just look at comments and wishes of countries like Poland and Japan this year towards other country's territory, old nationalist flames and aspirations are constantly simmering very close to the surface (and these countries are just an example) - and it will follow up on these goals because of either internal pressure or international situation.
And again this is as expected.
Author's solution - turning the UN into two story building, ground :chat" floor belonging to countries aspiring to the liberal democracy and top floor (where actual decisions are made) to "proven" liberal democracies that might allow from time to time someone from ground floor to sit at the desk and with huge awed eyes look at the big boys at work, is somewhat naive and counter to everything author stated in the chapters before. Author's solution (for lack of better word) assumes two things that are not guaranteed or not possible in real world:
- liberal democracies will always tend to help "damaged" countries - this is the "impossible" part; for this to work there needs to be approach so that giving side feels they are achieving something and receiving side feels they are not being played by bigger power and they can value the help given. Unfortunately this can work only in case both giver and receiver belong to same tradition, or are even of same nation or very similar culture and (again for the lack of the better word) predispositions. Because for everything else this is equal to first contact with aliens, every step is analyzed by both parties and any mistake can have grave consequences. What every country lacks is patience and long term planning (it is usually 4 year election period in liberal democracies) and rebuilding states is loong period. So this is cause for following things: (a) newly elected liberal democracy government might say we are going out (just look at the way Kurds got screwed by US not once but twice (current situation in Syria is still open) just because the US decided to move along "but constantly suffering with them") or (b) newly elected liberal democracy government might say what is in it for us?(Poland in Japan again come to mind as rather exotic countries with their goals in Iraq - it was never about oil, right?) And this opens the can of worms called neocolonialism by academia which will spark terrible things if benefactor country (liberal democracy) has history with the area they are "enlightening".
- people of targeted country want something else, maybe a different form of democracy, or they want to deal with their own existential threats in immediate neighborhood that might collide with the interests of the "benefactors" so they might get more liberal ways of control and oppression to change their views (of course this term "oppressive" might come from the perspective of the people.... ignorant people). Also what if new government (supported by the benefactors) decides that they are the best solution and follow up elections just dont work (and government is looked at with sympathies from benevolent benefactors)? Complex, ain't it.
So it is very complex thing and creation of the exclusive club that will be tasked with keeping the people of the world happy and justly ruled (most tricky part, because by who?) is a very dangerous thing. Because let us not forget that these liberal democracies did some scary things in Africa (sub-Saharan and North Africa), Asia (with all the collective liberal democracies condemning the China they are more than ready to move their shops there (and rest of Asia) for cheap (slave) labor) and Central and South America (School of Americas anyone). And do we need to mention relations with Arab countries that are armed, trained, and even supported in combat (like in Yemen) by these liberal democracies. Why? Because of national interests. As I said liberal democracies are liberal democracies for their own people, but they are definitely not liberal democracies for their immediate neighbors or wherever their interests are jeopardized. Just look at the way EU countries treated their neighbors that are not in EU during the recent pandemic - these neighbors could be the most desolate third world countries just because they do not belong to the club. And of course internally as soon as pandemic struck internal borders went up - yes that happens between liberal democracies too.
So while book starts in investigative way, exposing elements that brought the idea of preventive war to become rather dominant in international relationships (especially with evolving military technology that allows stand off attacks to be made with ease) it ends with a very naive (I hope this is the reason) conclusion that puts this book into apologetic set of works when it comes to preventive wars of Western countries. Author had me laughing when he commented on the perception of some liberal democracies as neocolonial powers, like nothing happened and changed in the meantime but keeps on commenting on other countries as half-democracies or eternal baddies like they never changed and never will. Little bit strange, dont you agree?
Last chapters of the book are there to give explanation that liberal democracies just do what they need to do and this is where book becomes somewhat ideological by separating the world between the "us" and "them", with the accent on that only "we" have means and moral duty to do something in the world. Considering the aftermath of Iraq and Afghanistan and ongoing strife in Northern Africa and Middle East all caused by Justice League's approach to world politics this moral-view approach shows that it just does not work because exclusive club of allied nations very soon becomes a bully pushing and prodding everyone because they start to see themselves as chosen ones with great destiny (and this is most corrupting way of thinking ever).
Interesting book, recommended reading definitely but work that utterly fails in the final parts with conclusion that one needs to accept the world and ruling elites (strong states) circumventing existing international mechanisms because they do it for the "good" of everyone - basically countering everything author said in the first chapters. It is like author says "better us than them" - approach that does not solve anything.… (plus d'informations)